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verse structure of the Historia is one loss: the translation is in prose. The pindaric ode quoted above was translated in verse. 2. EMRTCBeatriz Pastor Bodmer doesn't even mention Villagrd's Historia in her study of Span

ish accounts of exploration and conquest in the New World. She assumes the genre of conquest writing is effectively over after publication of La Araucana, in 1589. 3. See Greenblatt 1991, Seed,

Todorov 146-49 fo

r more extended analyses of the Requerimiento and acts of taking possession. 4. Debray 27. Debray discusses the "primary-determinants" Of time and

space in the founding of na

tional societies, arguing that any community requires (1) a delimitation in timHigh Performance Magazine (HPM)e, or the assignation of origins (the Temple), and (2) delimitation within an enclosed space (the Ark). It seems to me tha

t unlike the "nation

," empire uses the assignation of origins to renegotiate and expand its delimitation in space, or in his terms, that the "Temple" always trave

ls on the "Ark." 5. See Sdnchez-

Albomoz. 6. See "CDepartment of Transportation Examining Agencyontract of Don Juan de Onate for the Discovery and Conquest of New Mexico," in Hammon

d (1953, 42-57). Hammond's c

The ollec Drop Test Structure (tion and translation of the official documents, writings, and letters associated with Don Juan de Onate will hereafter be refe

renced in this text as D/

O. 7. See "Instructions to Don Juan de Onate, October 21, 1595," DJO 65-68. 8. Cortes himself owed ma

ny of his strategies to t

he reconquest of Muslim Spain, which was coming to an end during his childhood. See H. B. Johnson, 331. Nevertheless, Cortes's devastation of Tenoc

htitlan emerges in both cont

emporary accounts and in our historical memory as the paradigmatic tale of Spanish conquest, in part, no doubt, bec

ause he was so w

idely imitated. 9. See Gutierrez for a fascinating discussion of the parallels between Onate's conquest and that

of Cortes; it initially

motivated this reading. Also see Hammond (1979, 25). 10. Onate begins with twelve friars. Only ten appear to have accompanied him as far as New Mexico. 11. According to Onat

e's letters, she had been a

bducted from Pant-ham-ba Pueblo during Castano de Sosa's unauthorized travel into New Mexico in 1590. From available evidence, it seems that her role was none so illustrious as her model: well into the expedition, Onate complained that "she does not know

the language or anot

her in New Mexico, nor is she learning them" (D/O 321). 12. From the official "Itinerary of the Expedition." 13. Gutierrez claims t

hat Onate

definitely played the role of CortSs and that Indians actually participated in this drama (49). While this is probable, I have found no evidence to confirm it. 14.

This new Requerimient

o no longer authorized the enslavementof Indians. But this conduct is not therefore ended, only re-moved: the "improved" Ordinances of Discovery in 15

73, for example,

recommend that if the Indians are not cooperative, the preachers "should ask for their children under the pretext of teaching them and keep them as hostages" (in Hanke 1973,114). 15. From th

e letter of Captain Velasco to the viceroy, March 22, 1601.
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